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The Scottish Martyrs: More aftermaths of the
American Revolution: financial matters: Duncan Campbell's will: Life in
Duncan
Campbell's household: Campbell relinquishes the hulks: Hulks
administration
from 1800: The death of Duncan Campbell in 1803:
The
Scottish
Martyrs:
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After
the first three fleets of convict ships had left, British repressiveness
celebrated by illegally transporting four idealistic Scotsmen. The case
caused
considerable comment. ([1])
On 30-31 August, 1793 was Muir's trial, at Edinburgh. Others in trouble
included Gerrald and Margorot. And in September 1793, a leading Scots
Unitarian, Thomas Palmer, was sentenced to seven years' transportation.
All
this made reformers everywhere more desperate. And all this was to come
to
Duncan Campbell's attention in embarrassing ways. In Watson's treatment
of the
reign of George III are uncommonly few references to Botany Bay, but one
is in
the context of the Scottish Martyrs, only, as political prisoners. Clune
records that Scots legally could not be transported at the time. But the
authority given for the transportation of the Scottish Martyrs was Act
25 Geo
III c.46. ([2]) ([3])
The "Martyrs" were sent on a fever-ship departing England on 2 May,
1794, Surprize, Capt. Patrick Campbell, 400 tons, arriving at Sydney 25
October,
1794, having been contracted for by Anthony Calvert, according to
Shelton's
Contract No. 10 of February 1794. For this transportation, Shelton
carefully
noted that he used the authority of HM Sign Manual, and that the
governor of
NSW would have delivered to him, "such Scotch convicts". Frank Clune in
his
book on the Scottish Martyrs records that when Surprize arrived at
Sydney,
acting-governor Major Grose received a letter from Alderman Macaulay.
One
presumes the letter concerned the Martyrs. ([4])
Then, on 17 December, 1794,
Surprize,
departed Sydney for Bengal.
Macaulay remained upset
by the
case of the Martyrs and followed their fate sincerely. He wrote in his
journal
on 10 April, 1797. A Scot himself, and presumably familiar with the laws
on
transportation in both England and Scotland, Duncan Campbell does not in
this
case smell too clean, and his letters to Stewart Erskine on the spot on
the
hulks about the Martyrs were certainly more concerned than usual about
questions
of prisoner comfort. ([5])
Meanwhile, convict matters were routine again - there were no large
embarkations to manage. By 10 October, 1794, from Mount Pleasant,
Campbell
wrote to Dugald, Saltspring
was in
deep trouble financially. He advised Dugald to "get rid of that vanity".
He
advised, his two girls Ann and Lance would go to see their sister in
Suffolk,
He mentioned the ship Henry
Dundas. ([6])
(Dugald advised by mid-1795, Saltspring was
in even worse shape, and he wanted to end his situation
there).
The Scottish Martyrs, Muir, ([7])
Palmer and fourteen other Scots activists were brought from Scotland in
November, 1793 from Leith in Royal
George
Revenue Cutter, Capt. Ogilvie, to be delivered to the hulks. Campbell
was
likely to have prepared himself for some controversy over reception of
these
prisoners, ([8]), but
as a
bureaucrat he had little choice. He was constrained
to take the Scots prisoners. On 1 December, 1793 Campbell wrote to
Erskine:
Campbell
Letter
231:
London 1 Dec
1793
Capt
Erskine
Woolwich
I am this instant favoured with your letter of this
mornings date, advising of your having received Sixteen Convicts from
Scotland
with the necessary Certificates of their Conviction. I approve of the
manner
you have distributed them. What I have already said to you will be
sufficient
to put you on your Ground to prevent an escape, & lead you to grant
to
Messrs Muir and Palmer, as much indulgence as the nature of their
situation,
your, and my duty will admit. I
shall
be glad to hear, what progress is made in the Repairs of the Hospital
&
when you mean to make a visit to Blackwall.
I am
([9]
)
Campbell appears to have had some qualms about holding the
martyrs. He
wrote on 6 January, 1794 to an unidentified under-secretary at the Home
Office
(probably John King) on Muir's health. ([10])
Dated the 8th, the reply informed Campbell it was impossible for him
(Campbell)
to make any small distinction between Muir and other convicts. Muir and
Palmer
were treated with "every attention" on the Woolwich hulks.
* * * *
Little Duncan was in the navy on Duke of Buccleugh bound for St Helena in 1793. During
1794-96 he
was on Princess Charlotte,
rank
unknown. ([11])
Some
family matters intruded...
Campbell
Letter
232:
London 4 Decr
1793
John Campbell of the
Brunswick
The above is Copy of my last which I sent to St
Helena
to meet you there or to overtake you at China before your departure from
thence. As I have not heard from you since that date I have no new
matter to
communicate further than to inform you of the Loss of your Dear little
Brother
Neil who died the 13 June after a few days illness, you will easily
believe how
much your Mother & all the family were distressed by that event. We
are now
however I thank God all well. This I send by a Packet which I understand
is
bound for St Helena to inform you of our Welfare a circumstance which I
doubt
not will afford you much satisfaction. Your Brother Duncan is just upon
the
Wing, he goes out fifth Mate of the Duke of Buccleugh which Ship will
proceed
to Gravesend the beginning of next Month. I am afraid he will have
little
chance of meeting you for some time to come; but we must still look
forward for
so agreeable an event. We all join i n cordial love & wishes for
your safe
& speedy return & I remain
My Dear Jack -
Your ever Affectionate
Father
After
Campbell had written to his son John on Brunswick
of 4 December, 1793, he read what John Nutt had recently sent him,
"
Mr
Campbell presents his Compliments to Mr Nutt, he has perused the letter
intended to be sent by the Sub. Committee to Mr Dundas which he now
returns. Mr
C- is very sorry that he cannot altogether concur..." ([12])
Although, it is not yet clear what Campbell could not concur with. (This
must
have been business of the British Creditors).
More family business was to be sorted, the
ill-health of son-in-law Willox.
Campbell
Letter
233:
Robert Street Adelphi
13 Decem 1793
The Right Honble Lord
Amherst,
Will your Lordships have the goodness to pardon the
liberty I take in this application which is made in behalf of a
distressed yet
worthy young Man my Son in law, William Willox a Captain by Purchase in
the
40th Regt of foot who from a long and severe illness is rendered at
present
unfit for his duty as an Active Officer. By Sir George Osborner's letter
a copy
of which I take the liberty to hand to your Lordship Capt Willox is
called upon
to attend his duty in the Regt or to Resign his Commission within a
Month for
the 14th Instant, he has no objection to waiting on half pay if your
Lordship
approves of his so doing, but his ........
..... to obtain from His Majesty a further leave of
absence to
Capt Willox ..... Inclosed I send for your Lordship's satisfaction
Certificate
of the Case of Capt Willox by Medical Gentlemen of much respectability
who with
John Hunter deceased have long attended him. The condescension &
notice I
have at different times been honoured with by your Lordship gives me
some hope
that I shall be pardoned for this presumption and in that hope I remain
with
the greatest deference and Respect
My Lord ([13]
)
Patrick Colquhuon was determined to continue vast research on
what it
cost society to support "the criminal classes". ([14])
Shortly after arriving in London he began to make inquiries of Campbell
on
convicts. The overseer readily gave any information he could, but he
could not
provide the kinds of figures on the hulks Colquhuon would have
preferred. ([15])
Colquhuon had to make do with estimates. Colquhuon's work eventually
became of
great use to City merchants as it prompted the development of river
police to
combat institutionalized thievery on the river. ([16])
Campbell
Letter
234:
Adelphi Dec 14 1793
Mr Campbell presents his
compliments to Mr Colquhuon and in compliance with his desire sends the
following answer to his queries
(1) I cannot ascertain
the
number of convicts sent to New South Wales, there being many sent from
the
Hulks at Portsmouth not under my charge. [More information followed] ([17])
* * *
More
aftermaths of the American Revolution: financial
matters:
On 19
November, 1794 the Jay Treaty was signed partly as Britain remained
fearful the
United States would become a French ally in the war now over a year old.
This
treaty established a commission to deal with US debts, which must have
made
Campbell's heart leap a little, as would the hearts of men in Glasgow
firms. ([18])
In fact, debt negotiations dragged on depressingly, to 1804 and 1811.
([19]) One historian says the Jay Treaty was
still-born. ([20])
John Jay
himself was excoriated for the Treaty by the Jeffersonian faction, while
Hannay
viewed the Jay Treaty as favourable enough to US trade. British
merchants had
wanted a lump sum from American Government, an idea not enthused, and
discussed
later in 1800-1801 after the failure of a joint arbitration committee
made
possible by the Jay treaty of 1794. By the British-American convention
of 8
January, 1802, the US Government agreed to pay Britain a lump sum of
£600,000
to quit of all obligations to British creditors, under the Jay Treaty.
To
disburse the £6000,000, the British government set up a new commission
in 1804,
which worked to 1811, investigating all pre-war claims. The Glasgow
merchants
had hoped for compensation of £2.5 million! Claimants finally received
only
46.4 per cent of their original claims. Some estates reimbursed for
London-Maryland situations only were the estate of Campbell's associate
William
Molleson, to Ann Russell his wife, to Christopher Court. By then the
estate of
Duncan Campbell had claimed £6731 principal on a claimed £13,677
interest total
£20,407, and allowed £4,000. And was paid a final 1857:14:6d on Maryland
claims.
* *
*
A small
commercial matter occupied Campbell (it will be recalled that
Wedderburns, the
firm that had bought the First Fleet ship Lady
Penrhyn, had recently helped
the
Campbells buy slaves for Saltspring).
Campbell
Letter
235:
London 14 Feb
1794
James Wedderburn
Esq
Westmoreland Jamaica per
the
Man of War
By desire of my Son
Dugald I
send you enclosed Invoice Bill Lading &c for sundrys shiped on board
the
Fort William Capt Sowden for your account and address. The amount
£30/3/11d.
you will be pleased to settle with my son Dugald. With very great
respect
I am ([21]
)
* *
*
Duncan
Campbell's will:
Meanwhile, Campbell's dealings began to register further decline
in his
energies, and he considered writing his will. Around June 1794, Campbell
was
again considering selling his warehouses in Haydon Square to Mr.
Rumball. The
sale was not finalised after June 1794. (The non-sale of the warehouses
may
have been connected with the overtures Campbell had made to Christopher
Court,
above, regarding the handling of volumes of
tobacco?)
Campbell's will was an astute document, 16 pages long, dated 21
February, 1794, the fourth will and the last composed. Campbell gave his
second
wife Mary Mumford a mere £300 per year, as her father had provided amply
for
herself and her children. His son Dugald received Saltspring plantation, the warehouses owned or leased in
Haydon
Square, books and clocks. John inherited the farm Brands, and Brandshatch,
the latter piece of land destined to become the noted British motor
raceway.
John also received clocks, books and an annuity of £7500. ([22])
Duncan
Jnr received an annuity of £7500, plus firearms and the farm Little Maplescombe. A son by
Mary
Mumford, William Newell, received Knotts farm
and £7300 in annuity. Duncan's daughter Ann received an annuity of
£8000.
daughter ? annuity of £8000. Daughters Elizabeth, Mary Ann and Louisa
received
£7500 each as annuity. Other arrangements were made for Mary Willox and
the
children of Henrietta. Complicated provisions were made for both Mary
Willox,
(who had eloped with the
soldier,
William Willox) and Henrietta Campbell and their children, for their
sole and
separate benefit free of the control, debts or engagements of their
husbands.
All
grandchildren were liberally arranged for. Great provision was made for
the
integrity of the residual personal estate. Other relatives, servants,
and
others received small sums, while James Boyick was given £1,200 for his
loyal
service. Dated 21 February, 1794, Campbell's 16-page will was an astute
document, apparently causing no family discord at all. He let go of the
lease
of the Adelphi house and stated he wished to be interred in his own
vault in
Hackney Church, (St John's) where his much-loved first wife Rebecca had
lain
since her death in 1774. When making his will, Campbell must have been
worth at
least £200,000, and was prepared to disburse up to £96,500 into
well-secured
consolidated Bank annuities, all at three per cent per annum, for the
benefit
of his heirs. He was deeply concerned with land, and he concealed most
private
judgements. He used the will to express his hope and his faith. No ships
were
mentioned in his will.
Some
burden had been provided Campbell through by the premature death of
several of
his children. Henrietta had died before 8 January, 1795, leaving her
daughter
Grace an orphan, whom Campbell arranged to have cared for by the
grandmother in
Scotland of his long-time clerk, James Boyick. A codicil had been added
to the
will on 3 February, 1796, which provided for Henrietta's children and
disbursed
funds intended for Henrietta to her sister Mary and her children.
Campbell had
always referred to Henrietta as "poor Henny".
Great
provision was also made for the integrity of the residual personal
estate, and
in many ways it seemed a model will for the times. The widow of Duncan's
brother, Neil, was to receive £15 per annum. Each servant in Campbell's
employ
for a year, or who was present at the time of death, was given £5. A
codicil of
1797 provided £15 per annum for a servant, the widow Ann Mills. The
executors
were to be reimbursed for expenses. There was a plea for Boyick's
continued
employ by the family, doubtless in the light of Boyick's long
experience,
especially in dealings with the still-hoped-for reclamation of the
American
debts.
Before
1800, Campbell added several codicils to his will and considered giving
up the
Adelphi lease. At times, too, Campbell considered Dugald entirely taking
over
the future of Saltspring, ([23])
and later, (probably with the irascibility of age) he argued with a
daughter's
suitor, Mr. Peele. ([24])
Campbell was becoming more testy, probably with the tendency of
older
people to withdraw into themselves, probably also irritated by and
fearful of
the war with France. By 15 June, 1796 he had his attorney in, as
Aldridge later
noted, "Attending you in the Adelphi by appt from 11 till 1.30 pm
consulting on
alterations in your will and advising thereon. Attending you respecting
the
intended marriage of your daughter Miss Campbell with Mr Peele." ([25])
Negotiations had not been happy. Aldridge noted in that month: 1796 - 6
July -
"Having recvd settlement back from Mr Peele. 27 July - attending at the
Adelphi
re Duncan Campbell, Miss Campbell, Mr Peele Mr Boyick." By 6 July, 1796,
Aldridge noted, this daughter had received back the settlement from Mr.
Peele.
Aldridge
in February 1796 noted: "Attend taking instructions for Codicil to your
Will".
He had earlier noted, 12 August, 1795 - Attending Mr Boyick about your
proving
debt under Commission and afterwards (?) on Mr Madocks in Lincoln's Inn
the
Solicitor to the Commission to know if it would be worthwhile to prove
debt.
Attending twice upon you in the Adelphi and also after you to the Royal
Exchange to get you to view an affidavit, but could not see you.
13/4d.
Life in
Duncan
Campbell's household:
All
Thames hulks business remained quiet. By 8 January, 1795, Campbell was
concerned that his daughter Henrietta (and the overseer of Saltspring as well) had died, that war with the French
endangered
the shipping of sugar. By the mid-1790s, Campbell with his son John had
up to
four ships in East India trade including Mary,
Valentine, and Henry Dundas. On 12 January he detailed a codicil to his
will to
his attorney. ([26])
Dugald by October, 1795 was to lease Saltspring
from his father. As to Jamaica, a chronic fear prevailed there of a
slave
revolt; in July 1795 and March 1796, Maroons revolted on Jamaica; 100
Cuban
hunting hounds were finally used to terrify fractious slaves. ([27])
Earlier,
Duncan had written...
Campbell
Letter
236:
London Jan 8,
1795
Dugald Campbell Jamaica
I write to you a few lines the 27 Nov with a PS of the
3rd
December since which I have received your two letters of the 6
October.
I observe what you mention about the sugar and rum DcC & DsC which shall be paid agreeable to your
directions to
the order of Messrs Barings who have within these few days applied to
know what
is likely to be the amount of the Proceeds they are to receive; a note
of which
I have transmitted as you will see by the inclosed Copy of my Card to
them.
I am extremely sorry for
the
loss you have sustained by the death of your Overseer and the Young
Gentleman
assistant to Dr. Paterson. I approve of the appointment you have made to
fill
up the vacancy occasioned by the death of the Overseer. You will be
surprised
when I tell you that all our Jamaican and West Indian (?) still remain
at
Torbay or other Western Ports in the Channel, whether this is owing to
the
French fleet being at Sea in superior force or to any other course I
will not
take upon me to decide; but it is a distressing circumstance to all
concerned
with Sugar Plantations. God send us better times.
My mind has lately been much agitated by some distressing
circumstances which came to my knowledge on the decease of your
poor
unfortunate Sister Henrietta: I am unable now to give you a detail of
that
event & therefore I refer you to Copies of the sundry letters which
passed
on that subject from which you will learn every particular. - As soon as
the
severe weather which has prevailed for some weeks past breaks up, I mean
to
send Mr Boyick to carry down the poor Orphan Grace to his Grand-Mother
in
Scotland under whose care I intend to place her. Capt Bligh wrote you by
my
desire of yesterday's date with a detail of sundry particulars better
known to
him than to me and to these I beg leave to refer you. All my family
......
.... My Dear
Dugald
You will receive
herewith a
list of the sundry sales sent you by Capt Douglass ([provides a list of
letters
- including Mr A. Crawford, Mrs Susanna Campbell] ([28])
Moves
were stirring in London regarding what would become a massive
redevelopment of
port facilities. ([29])
Among those giving evidence to parliamentarians were Capt. Thomas King
of
Camden, Calvert and King, an Elder Brother of Trinity House; and John St
Barbe.
King in deposing to a committee of inquiry, said he had been acquainted
with
the River Thames for more than 30 years; the last 12 of which he had
been
residing in London and concerned with shipping. St. Barbe deposed on 18
April,
1796, described as a ship broker. A ship owner, Mellish, also concerned
with
whaling, gave evidence on 18 April. It surprises a little that Campbell
made no
reference to these moves in his letterbooks, although it is known he
signed
petitions as merchants gathered support for their hopes to redevelop the
port
of London.
* *
*
On 12
August, 1795, Campbell's attorney Aldridge was attending James Boyick
about
Campbell's proving a debt "under Commission and afterwards" (?), on Mr
Madocks
in Lincoln's Inn, "the Solicitor to the Commission to know if it would
be
worthwhile to prove debt". ["Attending twice upon you in the Adelphi and
also
after you to the Royal Exchange to get you to view an affidavit, but
could not
see you", as Aldridge later advised Campbell]. Such matters were
probably
involved with the debt recovery work of the British Creditors. Just one
of the
financial problems besetting Campbell about August, 1795 was severe
wartime
inflation, which raged at up to 30 per cent. Both Campbell and the other
hulks
contractor, Bradley, had to beg the Treasury for concessions, in fact,
mercy,
as they could not operate the hulks at the rates specified in their
contracts.
The concession was granted.
Campbell
Letter 237:
London 12th August
1795
George Rose
Esq.
It is with extreme reluctance we take the
liberty
of representing, for the information of the Right Honble the Lords
Commissioners
of His Majesty's Treasury the difficulty we are under in maintaining the
Convicts on board the Hulks; the extraordinary rise in the price of all
sorts
of Provisions, and more particularly in the Articles of Bread &
Beef,
having exposed for some time to a very considerable additional expence
amounting at least to £800 per Annum for the Convicts in the River; and
is a
larger Sum for those in Portsmouth and Langston Harbour. We are aware of
the
terms in which we have engaged with their Lordships, precluding us from
making
any demand of an increase, yet, under the circumstances now stated we
are
induced to hope their Lordships will not think us presuming in
requesting an
additional allowance for Maintaining and Guarding the Convicts, which we
take
the Liberty of indicating may be at the rate of One penny per day for
Each
Convict, and we hope their Lordships will not deem it unreasonable if we
take
the liberty of regulating that such additional allowance may commence
with the
present Quarter Account, and be continued until the price of Provisions
is
reduced to a reasonable standard.
We are very
respectfully
[sgd]
Dun Campbell
Ja Bradley ([30])
Given the
need for stringency, it was also time for Duncan to give his son Dugald
another
upbraiding.
Campbell
Letter 238:
Dugald
Campbell
Jamaica
About a week since I had the pleasure of receiving
your
letter of the 7 June & 14 July - ...... I observe with great concern
the account
you now give and the picture you draw of Saltspring Estate
and
its dependencies, which force upon us a serious [review?] of our
reciprocal
situation; on which I will not recriminate as I can easily conceive how
you
must feel from the course; ....... When the Blessings of Peace return
let us be
prepared to avail ourselves of that event, by a rigid Economy in every
expenditure - Attend to this advice, get rid of that vanity which you
say has
so long flatter'd you in the appearance of being what you are not, a Man
of
Fortune - ..... As to the proposal you make of giving up that Estate; it
is
premature and would if complied with greatly derrange the plan I have
adopted
for a distribution but you may well contend that no act of mine will
deprive
you of that proportion which I intended and still intend to alott you
for
unless the Sans Cullotts take the distribution off my hands, in that
case you
must take the will for the deed.
....We expect the East
India
ships, intended for this season will very shortly be taken up, when I
trust the
Henry Dundas will be among the number. The Mary will be out of dock
tomorrow
she has done pretty well this voyage we shall probably get something by
her. We
are all well again and join in cordial love with my Dear Jack ([31])
* *
*
Campbell
relinquishes the hulks:
Between 1797-1801, information about Campbell as the hulks
overseer
faded from the official records and his own letterbooks. Campbell was
little
more than a signature on a document here, or a bill to be honoured
there. The
administration of the hulks became more bureaucratic. What Campbell had
established was now institutionalised and there were fewer signs of his
own
initiative. ([32]) As
it
became obvious he would retire from the hulks, Campbell was watched.
Certain
parties in government who had never liked Campbell, or the hulks, wanted
to see
the hulks brought under revised administration, one more suited to
public
management. Magistrate Aaron Graham would replace Campbell as hulks
superintendent. ([33])
The anti-imperialist Jeremy Bentham
continued his plans to see the hulks superseded and his Panopticon
prison
begun, perhaps at Battersea Rise on land owned by the Second Lord
Spencer, Lord
Privy Seal, from mid-1794. ([34])
Or at Woolwich. Or the Millbank site near Tothill Fields in which the
Marquis
of Salisbury had an interest. ([35])
But Campbell had won that long battle. The linkages between the hulks
establishment and transportation to Australia were to continually
frustrate
Bentham's efforts to see a rational prison system established. ([36])
Was
Bentham encouraged by Campbell's death? ([37])
In 1803 he produced his Plea for
the
Constitution, ... A plea showing the enormities committed to the
oppression
of British subjects, in breach of the Magna Carta, the Petition of
Rights, the
Habeus Corpus Act, the Bill of Rights, and several Transportation Acts.
It also
discussed the design, foundation and government of the penal colony of
NSW
including an inquiry into the right of the Crown to legislate without
Parliament
in Trinidad and other British Colonies. ([38])
Stewart
Erskine wanted contract to manage the hulks. Whether Erskine knew the
details
of proposed plans for a different administration of the hulks - by Aaron
Graham
- is unknown. Campbell presumably felt sparks of satisfaction at the
opening of
the West India docks. But his health was breaking down, and perhaps his
wealth
too had been dented in 1797, the year which had brought trouble for the
gold
standard and the Bank of England. In 1799 Campbell and Dugald considered
some
plans to possibly sell Saltspring
on
Jamaica. He was also still trying to recover his American debts "under
the
treaty" made by which Jay in 1794. (By 22 April, 1803, a British
commission was
appointed to examine the claims of British creditors and settle debts
after the
matter of 1802. Claims by loyalists were referred to another commission
yet
again. ([39])
There are
no accurate figures on the debts of 1775, but the guess is near £5
million.
British commissioners settled the last claim in 1811, but their figures
may
be well below what was claimed,
gave
little real idea of what the Americans had owed, and many debts had been paid off before information reached
them.) ([40])
Campbell's health failed more often from 1797. Fewer letters
drifted
into his files. He became querulous with a daughter's suitor and had
other
dissatisfactions. None of his daughters' marriages had seemed to please
him.
The old man argued over the settlement for the marriage of his daughter
Ann to
Dr William Peele. Peele at one point withdrew his offer of marriage.
Aldridge
the attorney flitted in and out of the house at the Adelphi, summoned
for this
or for that. By 1798, Campbell had even begun thinking of giving up the
lease
of the Adelphi address. Even worse, the property at Wilmington was
discussed in
dubious prospect. Ann did marry Dr Peele, only to die on 22 December,
1801, of
an undisclosed ailment, to be buried in the Peele vault at Dartford,
aged 32.
About
February, 1797, Duncan's son Mumford married. Later, perhaps by 1800, he
was
head assistant at the general treasury of India. ([41]) Mumford
seems to
have first gone out to India in 1795, the year of his first listing in
India Registers, Bengal Civil
Index. By 1799 Mumford was assistant to the
Register of the Zillah Adawlut, Purneah. By 1803 he was head assistant
to the
sub-treasurer; by 1807, Judge and Magistrate of Rungpore. In 1809 he
apparently
was at home, and again in 1813 at home, his last appearance in such
registers.
([42])
What sort of environment did Mumford work in? About 1804, Cambridge University undergraduates in the
interests of a patriotic education were invited by the vice-president of
Fort
William College, Bengal, to submit on the topic (for an annual prize for
an
essay on British India)... "The Probable Design of Divine Providence in
subjecting so large a portion of Asia to the British dominion", or "The
best
means of civilising the subjects of the British empire in those parts of
India"
controlled by the East India Company. ([43]) Mumford
lived in
an environment requiring one to be continually choosing between
pomposities!
As part
of revamping the family finances, it appears Duncan and John sold their
ship Henry Dundas. Lloyd's Registers for 1799-1800 listed a husband, T. Newte,
sending
out a ship Henry Dundas 1200
tons
Capt. Carruthers. ([44])
(Although, the Campbells may not have been wealthy enough to manage a
1200-tonner?)
1801...
Hulks
administration from 1800:
Duncan's son John by 1801 was of Great Queen St, London. (He was
not the
John Campbell long-known as a regular subscriber to Lloyd's Register). About 1801, a memorandum (dated merely,
1801)
came to the attention of Campbell's loyal clerk since 1772, Boyick,
relating to
an assignee of John Metcalf a bankrupt. Campbell's last transaction with
Metcalf had been in March 1781, the matter left in the hands of bankers
Gregg
and Potts. ([45])
Campbell in his long career had acquired a sizeable list of deceased
estates.
On 27
January, 1801, Erskine informed government he was willing to contract
for the
convicts in the Woolwich hulks. ([46])
It is doubtful he would have done so without knowledge of Campbell's
impending
retirement, and John's distaste for the business of hulks management. By
4
February, 1801 a letter from the Transport Office to George Rose at
Treasury
signified that officers of the Transport Commission were about to
conduct an
examination to find the best mode of keeping the convicts, in the event
of the
resignation from their contracts of Messrs Campbell. ([47])
Bureaucratic mysteries still surround the Irish transportation.
John
Campbell's account for the delivery of 180 convicts to Minerva per the order of Edward P. Hatton was dated 23
March, 1801,
as Treasury Board papers indicate. This is a
mystery of the records, since on 27 March 27, 1801?, Edward F.
Hatton
ordered John Campbell to deliver 80 convicts to the transport Minerva Capt. Salkeld (which
arrived in
Sydney in 11 January, 1800). ([48])
the charter party for which was referred to in a contract with James
Duncan,
and the government witness was M. Cardin. ([49]) Since Minerva was to take Irish
prisoners,
Thomas Shelton did not draw the contract for her. Bateson however says
Minerva was owned by Robert
Charnock,
and presumably Charnock or one of his agents - James Duncan - took the
contract. ([50])
Charnock
was by now a noted East India ships husband.
It is
then difficult to see what possible jurisdiction John Campbell had in
the
matter, more so as there has been no record sighted indicating Duncan
Campbell
after 1784 had anything to do with any delivery of sizeable numbers of
Irish
convicts, certainly not respecting any numbers embarked at Cork. So just
why
John Campbell's name on the eve of his retirement from hulks business is
associated with the delivery of 180 Irish convicts to Minerva remains mysterious, unless some Irish sentenced in
British
courts were then sent back to Ireland before being transported from
there? This
would be strange enough, but there exists also an item of folklore which
contradicts the maritime record. The belief has existed in Ireland,
Britain and
Australia, that Irish convicts transported to Australia were sent first
to
British ports before being shipped to Australia. This view is not
supported by
Bateson's book, The Convict
Ships.
* *
*
Meanwhile, the transport commissioners called on the Campbells,
and also
on Stewart Erskine. Sir William Rule, one of the surveyors of the navy,
and
formerly master shipwright at Woolwich Yards had become Erskine's ally.
([51])
Rule voluntarily called on the transport commissioners to indicate he
had known
Erskine for many years and that Erskine had really had all the business
of
convicts on his hands during the existence of the Campbell contracts,
they
being nominal superintendents only. From Erskine's conduct, Rule thought
no one
could be fairer to both government and the convicts than Erskine. (At
this
time, Alexander Macleay, later colonial secretary for NSW, was on the
staff of
the Transport Board).
The Transport
commissioners recommended the contract be renewed to Erskine on the
terms he
had proposed on 27 January. By 22 May, 1801, magistrate Aaron Graham was
making
proposals regarding the hulks at Langston Harbour and Portsmouth, just
as the
returns of A. H. Dyne had been examined. ([52]) Over 30
November-3 December in 1801, Aaron Graham made further suggestions for
improvements to the hulks system. Behind such moves were the good
offices of
Pelham, who wanted the hulks system and transportation swept with a new
broom.
([53])
On 22 June, 1801, Duncan and John Campbell
gave an
account to government regarding convicts. On 19 June, 1802, John
Campbell of
Great Queen Street merchant made an oath on his convict returns before
Baker at
the Public Offices, Hatton Gardens.
After
the resignation of the Campbells as Thames hulks overseers in 1801,
George Rose
at Treasury contacted the Transport Office about an examination being
made on
the management of the convicts. The Transport Commissioners called on
the
Campbells and Erskine. Government after Campbell's death continued to
employ
Erskine, of Fludyer Street, Greenwich, until 5 April, 1803 (which date
appears
to be a last mention of Erskine in the records). ([54]) Sir William Rule, formerly master
shipwright
at Woolwich Yard, indicated he could recommend Erskine, who was later
appointed
to superintend the hulks convicts. ([55]) By 22
March,
1802, Commissioners Transport were assessing Mr. Addington's query to
allow
Erskine to charge an extra penny per convict per day. ([56]) However,
about 26
June, 1803, Erskine was prosecuted at the Summer Assizes for assisting
the
escape of convict William Smith from Prudentia
hulk. Perhaps, Erskine had enemies who would do anything to remove him?
([57])
A waterman Richard Vickars gave evidence. The court's decision is not
noted.
Later, magistrate Aaron Graham was placed in charge of the Thames hulks.
It is
rather difficult to believe that after 27 years on the hulks, Erskine
would
have assisted an escape! One suspects
Erskine was "got" by long-standing enemies of the hulks system.
But he
survived. ([58]) ([59]) By 28 May, 1813, Messrs Bradley and
Erskine
were still furnishing the convict
establishment with provisions, clothing, etc. ([60])
Act 41
Geo III c.28 improved some conditions for prisoners. Pelham in his new
broom
mood wished to implement a new system, whereby prisoners would be
transported
on naval vessels only. ([61])
He did not succeed, which was a pity, as by 1810, far from convict
vessels
being sent out in naval vessels, a system developed whereby, as Bateson
noted,
privately contracted convict ships took out as guards, military
detachments
which would later proceed from NSW to India, as the ships went trading
to India
and Singapore. It would have been more appropriate, as a matter of
patrolling
Imperial frontiers, if naval vessels with military detachments had been
taking
convicts out. ([62])
* *
*
1802....
About February, 1802 James Boyick at John
Campbell's
premises at Great Queen Street was contacted by Miss Rebecca Campbell,
Duncan's
niece (though it is not certain just who her parents were). Perhaps she
had
come of age, or otherwise needed money or advice. In 1802, after
pressure from
British creditors, Article VI of the Jay Treaty was annulled under a
convention
signed 8 June, 1802, when Great Britain agreed to pay to the US about
four
times the amount needed to satisfy American claims, in order the US in
turn
could pay what the British claimed. ([63]) Doubtless,
interpreting such information was a task for James Boyick, who was kept
by the
Campbell family as clerk after Duncan's death, presumably as he had the
longest
memory of all for the difficult business of trying to recover American
debt
monies. Finally, in 1811, Campbell's estate was awarded £4000 on the
part of
his debt "found good". Campbell for years had insisted he lost £38,135
3/10d in
Virginia and Maryland.
The
death of
Duncan Campbell in 1803:
Duncan Campbell spent most of his last years at Wilmington,
retired from
the city into Kent. He died aged 78 on 28 February, 1803. ([64]) His last
years
had been quiet and seemingly attended with peace. There are no family
notes on
the manner of death, the cause, or the expressions of grief. A certain
calm,
perhaps that of expectation and preparedness, had prevailed. (At the
Blackheath
Golf Club the custom when a member died was that members wore mourning
garb
their next few days of play.) The estate duty on Campbell's will was
£22,684,
the matter probably being discussed by 9 March, 1803. ([65])
Present
at the proving of the will should have been Alexander Pitcairn, who made
it
known he was intimately acquainted with Duncan Campbell formerly of the
Adelphi
in the parish of St Martin in the Fields in the County of Middlesex but
late of
Wilmington in the County of Kent Esquire deceased for ten years and
upwards
before and to the time of his death which as this deponent hath been
informed
and believes on the twenty fourth day of the Month of February last
past...
* *
*
It is
unknown what Dugald, Duncan's eldest son, did after his father died. It
is
known, his heirs and assigns inherited
Saltspring on Jamaica. Dugald in his turn was to be an executor of
the will
of William Bligh, but he predeceased Bligh. None of Campbell's direct descendants came to particular notice in
history, although one grandson, Capt. Charles Dugald Campbell (born
1814) was
one of the first British to sail up the Euphrates River. ([66])
Campbell's memory lived on in odium. Tainted with the stigma of dealing
with
convicts, his life and
reputation
became fragmented, splintered. His family history was miswritten. It is
worse
than ironic, what happened to the life story of many a hapless
convict... no care
for the soul, the experiences of decades mishandled, with written
details
forgotten or misplaced, uncertainty over a last resting place, records
lost of
friendships and fortunes, a life fit only to become what gossips want to
make
of it if anything is remembered at all... happened also to Duncan
Campbell, the
overseer of the Thames prison hulks, a man who checklisted the names of
thousands of convicts destined to be sent to North America and
Australia.
The
fragmentation of Campbell's biography, due partly to simple hatred, is
why, in
United States, British and Australian history, Duncan Campbell never met
Thomas
Jefferson... When in life, he did.
No ships
were mentioned in Campbell's will. His long-term deputy hulks
superintendent
Erskine was also ignored in the will. The long wonder of Erskine's
career is
that he was never the victim of revenge taken by members of some alleged
organised crime ring. Given his long career, Erskine must have become
some kind
of river institution in his own right. It is surprising he was never
murdered
by prisoners' friends at some point in his "tour of duty" on the hulks.
That
Erskine has never been noticed in London folklore also seems incredible.
Erskine could have been much criticised, say, as an evil sadist, but he
has not
been, and if he was a decent man, this might be why Campbell's
obituarist took
the view he did. Campbell had never been popular with journalists and
the hulks
were always unpopular with London. His obituarist thought Campbell was
not a
gentleman, and took an opportunity to pillory
him...
Campbell's obituary in the next issue of The Gentleman's Magazine read:- "Died at Wilmington, in
Kent,
Duncan Campbell Esq. He is succeeded as governor and overseer of the
hulks at
Woolwich by his deputy, Mr. Stewart Erskine, a gentleman possessed of
great
humanity, and of the strictest honesty and integrity and who has had the
sole
management of that concern for him ever since its first establishment in
1775.
Mr. C. died possessed of much property, yet, to the surprise of their
best
friends, has not left any legacy to Mr E for his long and faithful
services;
though he seemed always to be considered himself much indebted to that
gentleman for his great accumulation of fortune." ([67])
Campbell's land-hunger had been observed from afar. Some
journalists are
observant, the better ones are perceptive as well. So, one obituarist
heaped
odium on Campbell, drove a stake through his heart before his body was
scarcely
cold in the grave. He reminded the Campbell family where their money had
come
from. No mention of a West India merchant, no mention of William Bligh
and the
sensational Bounty mutiny. No
mention
of good works dutifully undertaken by way of shifting convicts out of
the
kingdom. Just, ingratitude. But the obituary was just as vain as any
other
journalistic attempt since 1776 to draw attention to the hulks. It was
London
feeling about the hulks that motivated this odium heaped on Campbell.
George
Macaulay when he died on (5 March) 1803 was praised in his obituary, and
his
fellow-aldermen were pleased to vote his widow an annuity. His
obituarist may
or may not have known Macaulay had engaged in transporting convicts to
"New
Holland", but presumably, like most Londoners, he would have approved of
getting rid of "the scum". ([68])
The
obituarists of both men also failed to mention a new continent -
Australia -
introduced to the world through the agency of Britain's obsession with
deporting undesirables to anywhere it thought fit. Life and reality are
only
ever as they are seen to be. And so an unknown London journalist's
epitaph for
Duncan Campbell remained as an unknown Englishman's
comment on the Thames hulks and the so-called "founding of Australia". A
thing
apparently of determination, greed, ingratitude and odium for eternity,
full of
things to be forgotten. Not as something odious that was foisted on the
unknown
and enigmatic continent of Australia, and its people, for which Britain
was and
is responsible, and will not fully admit, and has not yet, because to do
so
would call into question the morality of its career as a colonising
Imperial
power.
A
brutal authoritarianism lives and breathes in the documents of
Australia's
early European history. This authoritarianism is palpable, pervasive,
tough as
the shell of a turtle. It is the authoritarianism applied when a kingdom
rids itself
of its social scum and thinks and feels little of the consequences. But
finally, it is possible to turn the turtle over...
Duncan
Campbell on 15 November, 1770 wrote to his brother-in-law John, a
strangely
wistful remark from Britain's arch convict contractor, and a man who by
virtue
of statutory law, and despite himself, became a "private enterprise
criminologist". His view is reminiscent of an ancient formula known to
many
cultures: "Order is the first law of heaven"... except that the order
Campbell
dwelt in was created by a British authoritarianism mottled with
compassion, as
with lichen on a rock .
"I was always a lover of Peace, & I think
the
older I grow the more I am inclined to it. Not that I got anything by
it,
though perhaps you will say I do, and not be far
wrong."
* *
*
[Finis Chapter 44]
Words 7436 words and footnotes 9928 pages 18 footnotes 68
[1] About 1792 William Adam spoke for the case of Thomas Muir, Scottish Martyr: speech in the House of Commons Journal, ML M101794. Michael Flynn, Settlers and Seditionists: The People of the Convict Ship Surprize, 1794. Sydney, Angela Lind, 1994. David S. Macmillan, `The Beginning of Scottish Enterprise in Australia: The Contribution of the Commercial Whigs', The Bulletin of the Business Archives Council of Australia, Vol. 2, No. 2, Aug. 1962., pp. 28ff. J. A. Ferguson, Bibliography of Australia. Addenda. 1784-1850. Canberra, National Library of Australia, 1986., pp. 24-29. Clune, Scottish Martyrs, 24 February, 1794, Sheridan presented a petition to the House of Commons in favour of Palmer, then on a transport for NSW. J. Steven Watson, The Reign of George III 1760-1815. Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1960., p. 358. Watson, Geo III. Neither New South Wales, nor Australia, nor convicts. are mentioned in this book's index; see pp. 247, 250, 270, 360.
[2] In Lucy Werkmeister, A Newspaper History of England, 1792-1793, is a mention of Duncan Campbell in respect of the case of the Martyrs.
[3] Frank Clune, The Scottish Martyrs. Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1969., p. 22. Here, Clune seems unaware of overseer Campbell's Scottish background. Frank Clune, The Scottish Martyrs, p. 72. On p. 74 of Clune's book is recorded the opinion of Maurice Margarot. A Scot, he did not consider transportation as banishment into servitude, the banishment itself was the punishment. He regarded transportation into slavery as unknown to British law and to the constitution of 1688, and Margarot conveyed this view to Major Grose.
[4] Frank Clune, The Scottish Martyrs, p. 72. On p. 74 of Clune's book is recorded the opinion of Maurice Margarot. A Scot, he did not consider transportation as banishment into servitude, the banishment itself was the punishment. He regarded transportation into slavery as unknown to British law and to the constitution of 1688, and Margarot conveyed this view to Major Grose.
[5] George Dyer, (Editor), on George Thompson, Slavery and Famine, p. 43, alluding to the humanity of Capt. Erskine of hulk Stanislaus, c. 1794 in the time of Scottish Martyrs. [An Australian History Monograph]
[6] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, Private Letter book Vol. 3, pp. 1-2 to Dugald Campbell, Jamaica.
[7] William Adam, regarding T. Muir, Scottish Martyr, speech in House of Commons, ML M101794.
[8] Leon Radzinowicz, A History of English Criminal Law and Its Administration from 1750. Vol. - The Movement For Reform. London, Stevens and Sons Ltd., 1948., p. 31, Note 62.
[9] Note to Campbell Letter 231: The "Scottish Martyrs" arrived in London, brought for delivery to Campbell, by the Royal George revenue cutter. Frank Clune, The Scottish Martyrs. Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1969. Campbell had written on 6 Jan., 1794, to an unidentified Under-Secretary at the Home Office on the health of the Scots prisoner Muir: HRNSW, Vol. 2, pp. 834-835. On 8 January, in reply the Under-Secretary informed that it was impossible for him to direct Campbell to make any small distinctions between Muir and other convicts. Muir and Palmer were treated with "every attention" on the Woolwich hulks. A letter mentions separate cabins and Capt. Erskine. At the time, there was controversy over whether legislation in fact permitted Scots to be transported.
[10] HRNSW, Vol. 2, pp. 834-835. Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 147.
[11] Notes of WDC.
[12] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, Vol. 6, p. 401, A3230, ML.
[13] Lord Amherst, commander-in-chief of the British Army.
[14] Patrick Colquhuon, of Kelvingrove: LLD, 1797. Born Dumbarton, 14 March, 1745. Died 25 April, 1820. Merchant in Virginia, 1761-1766, and Glasgow, 1766-89. Lord Provost of Glasgow, 1782-84. Founded Glasgow Chamber of Commerce, 1783. Moved to London, 1792. Westminster JP. Stipendiary Magistrate of Thames Police Court. Originator of Thames police system. Cf., Addison, W.J., Ed., Roll of the Graduates of the University of Glasgow From Dec. 31, 1727 to Dec. 31, 1897. Glasgow, MacLehose and Sons, Publishers to the University, 1898. 1794 Magistrates of Police Offices, P. Neave at Great Marlborough St, Furnivals Inn, Hatton Garden. Alder Richard Clark. Aaron Graham Esq. of Great Russell St. At Worship Street is Patrick Colquhuon and W. Gascoigne. Source: The Royal Calendar:
[15] Campbell to Patrick Colquhuon, nd in 1793, and 14 December, 1793. R. V. Jackson, `Luxury in Punishment: Jeremy Bentham on the Cost of the Convict Colony in NSW'', Australian Historical Studies, Vol. 23, No. 90, April 1988., pp. 42-59.
[16] Colquhuon's 1805 book was A Treatise on the Police of the Metropolis, (pp. 454, 455, 462). He recorded that in 19 years, 7,999 convicts were given hard labour on the Thames, Langston Harbour and Portsmouth hulks.
[17] Campbell Letter 234: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from ML, A3230, p. 406.
[18] Kellock, `London Merchants', p. 115. Also, on the efforts to recover American debts, and the Jay Treaty of 1794. Joseph Charles, `The Jay Treaty: The Origins of the American Party System', William and Mary Quarterly, Series 3, Vol. XII, No. 4, Oct 1955., pp. 581-630.
[19] Jacob Price, `One Family's Empire', p. 213.
[20] Watson, Geo III, p. 290; James Hannay, History of the War of 1812 between Great Britain and the United States of America. Toronto, Morang and Co., 1905., p. 6.
[21] Campbell Letter 235: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from ML, A3230. Letterbooks, Vol. 6, p. 401. Some items Campbell sent to Jamaica included "cwts of lead, Oats, Pease, Beans, Saddlery, Herrings, Sailcloth, Barley, cheese, Bacon" in late 1793.
[22] Letter to the author per Ms Elizabeth John, Legal director and Secretary, Brandshatch Leisure plc, Fawkham, Longfield, Kent DA3 8NG, England, 15 Feb., 1993, indicating Brandshatch has no archive material relating to any query on whether a certain Duncan Campbell once owned the land on the raceway is located, or not.
[23] Notes of WDC. An account from attorney Mr. John Aldridge attending Campbell, is held with Campbell's surviving papers, listing such matters. 8 Oct., 1794 - Attend taking instructions for Letter of Attorney from you to your Son Dugald Campbell Esq. to let and lease Saltspring Plantation.
[24] The Miss Campbell mentioned in the Aldridge entry for 15 June, 1796, was Miss Ann, who died Mrs. Ann Peel on 22 December, 1801, aged 32 years. In C. W. Heckethorne's book, Lincoln's Inn Fields and the Localities Adjacent: Their Historical and Topographical Associations. London, Eliot Stock, 1896., is a note to the effect that a gentleman named Pitcairn in April 1800 married a Miss E. Campbell of the Adelphi, but perhaps she was not Campbell's daughter?
[25] Attorney Aldridge's Account to Duncan Campbell. Notes of WDC.
[26] Aldridge noted: 17 January, 19-21st, [1795]. Attending taking instructions for Codicil to your will.
[27] Walvin, Black Ivory, pp. 258-259.
[28] Campbell Letter 236: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from Private Letterbooks, Vol. 3, p. 3.
[29] In Reports From Committees of the House of Commons, Vol. 24. 1793-1802. Reprinted by Order of the House in 1802., (Port of London Authority Library, Poplar, Isle of Dogs), from p. 276 is published a Report (1796) on Providing Accommodation for the Trade and Shipping of the Port of London. Edward Sargent, `The Planning and Early Buildings of the West India Docks'; and see pp. 274-283. The Mariner's Mirror, Vol. 77, 1991., pp. 119ff. Many of the original designs, including those rejected, are now with the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.
[30] Campbell Letter 237: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks: Transcript from Private Letterbooks, Vol. 3, p. 7.
[31] Campbell Letter 238: Duncan Campbell Letterbooks, Transcript from Private Letterbooks, Vol. 3, p.1, 2. [abridged]. Date uncertain.
[32] On the hulks after 1803, see Dallas, Trading Posts, pp. 93ff.
[33] On Aaron Graham: Charles Campbell, The Intolerable Hulks, variously.
[34] This might be an Admiralty Lord, Charles (1740-1820); or George (1739-1817) a Master of Trinity House the Duke4 Blandford. Or, George Duke5 Spencer, a Treasury Lord from 1804? But more probably, George John Spencer, (1758-1834), second Earl Althorp, Privy Seal in 1794, Sec. of State, Home Dept., 1806-1807.
[35] Probably, James Gascoyne-Cecil (1748-1823), twenty first Earl Salisbury and first Marquis Salisbury.
[36] R. V. Jackson, Luxury in Punishment: Jeremy Bentham On The Cost of the Convict Colony in NSW. Australian Historical Studies. Vol. 23, April 1988. Oct 1989., pp. 42ff and Note 2, p. 46. T1/829, No 3662, 14 Oct., 1799, Duke of Portland on the number of convicts to be accommodated in the Panopticon proposed by Mr. Bentham. Here, see the later chapters of Charles Campbell, The Intolerable Hulks.
[37] Bentham, Plea for the Constitution: 365B in Dictionary Catalog of Printed Books, ML. F. L. W. Wood, `Jeremy Bentham versus New South Wales', Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, Vol. 14, Part, 4, 1933., pp. 329-351., p. 343, citing Report of Committee on Police and Convict Establishments, 1799.
[38] Bentham also produced, A Letter To Lord Pelham, 2 Nov., 1802: ML 365B.
[39] Kellock, `London Merchants', p. 115.
[40] Kellock, `London Merchants', p. 109.
[41] Many of Mumford's associates will be listed in: Bengal Civil Servants 1780-1839 (pub. 1839). Bombay Civil Servants 1780-1839 (pub. 1839; Madras Civil Servants 1760-1837 (pub. 1839).
[42] India Registers (dated 1799, 1803, 1806, 1813 incl. and 1815, 1816), Bengal Civil Index. PRO. A useful source at the India Office Library, Covenanted Overseas Civil Servants of the East India Company 1600-1858, has compilations. Edward Dodwell and James Samuel, Bengal Civil Servants, 1780-1838. London, Miles, 1839.; C. C. Prinsep, Bengal, Madras and Bombay Civilians, 1740-1858, giving summary careers of East India Company staff. Also, IOR 0/6/21-36. Bengal Civil Servants, India Office Library, personal records c1794-c1841, IOR 0/6/1-20, memoranda prepared at East India House including records of services and notes on individuals, each vol. indexed, and cumulative index IOR Z/0/6/1-2. There are also more detailed Service Records of Home Civil Servants and Covenanted Overseas Civil Servants of the East India Company 1600-1858. For the latter there are bonds and agreements for period 1771-1946 IOR 0/1/1-196 with index and gives date of appointment, and up to August 1875, names and addresses of two sureties.
[43] Colley, Britons, pp. 170ff.
[44] In 1799-1800 J. Prinsep sent Lady Burges Capt. A Swinton 820 tons, St Barbe sent out Orpheus Capt. J. Cristal 382 tons built in 1794, for India, and Tellicherry Capt. S. Baker. The whaler Daniel Bennett in 1799-1800 sent William Capt. S Bacon for D Bennett Lo S Seas.
[45] A document regarding Metcalf's estate, and Gregg and Potts' bill, and an assigneeship of estate and effects linked the names of Campbell and Mr. Edward James.
[46] T1/854, No 331. T1/856, T1/862.
[47] T1/856.
[48] Mander-Jones, Manuscripts, p. 18. 5 April, Chartering of Minerva to take Irish convicts to NSW. nd, (TI/802, undated). May 1798, Mander-Jones, p. 18, transport Minerva, surgeon John Washington Price, Ireland, NSW, Bengal, for 1 May, 1798 to June 1800, describing preparation and embarkation at Cork, with list of crew, NSW Corps detachments, families and convicts. Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 140.
[49] T1/802.
[50] Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 158.
[51] About 1803, Sir William Rule was investigating naval timber supplies, a minimum of which would come from the Australasian region. By 1804, freight on timber from Australia and New Zealand was "so high, unless transports returning empty to England could be used, that not much timber was imported from the South Seas" [to England]. Albion, Forests and Sea Power, p. 35, pp. 322ff.
[52] T1/866. On 6 October, 1801, A. H. Bradley wrote to Nicholas Vansittart at Treasury forwarding returns for the Fortunee and the Hospital ship in Langston harbour. Thos. Thompson was deputy overseer.
[53] By 22 December, 1801, the transport office was in receipt of copy of a proposal from A. H. Bradley (formerly Dyne) to feed, clothe and shoe the convicts.
[54] T1/856-T1/862-T1/898.
[55] T1/856, T1/862, T1/898..
[56] T1/877, No. 1245.
[57] T1/898, No. 678.
[58] Concerning the non-disappearance 1802-1803 of Stewart Erskine from the hulks management scene: David T. Hawkings, Bound For Australia, Appendix 8, T 38. Hawkings, Prison hulks, Quarterly Lists, p. 231 has a note - "Report [on hulks] by John Henry Capper [listed in J. Sainty, Home Office] Messrs Bradley, Erskine and William Kinnard." (It is not known who Kinnard is, and such reports must have come out before Erskine left the scene.)
[59] T1/932, No. 5915.
[60] T1/1324, No. 7310.
[61] Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 19.
[62] On later developments, see M. Austin, The Army in Australia 1840-50: Prelude to the Golden Years. Canberra, Australian Government Publishing Service, 1979., detailing convict ships used to carry troops from Britain to Australia, then India and Ceylon. Bateson, The Convict Ships, p. 19.
[63] Kellock, `London Merchants', pp. 115-119. Emory Evans, `Planter Indebtedness', p. 373, Note 48. A convention of 1802 provided for US to pay Great Britain some £600,000, and a commission formed to adjudicate claims. By 20 May, 1811, this commission had awarded £415,921 to British Creditors.
[64] Duncan Campbell, death date, 28 Feb., 1803, aged 78: Memorial Inscriptions of the Old Churchyard of St John of Hackney (London). Society of Genealogists. WDC had been unable to decide whether Campbell had died on 8 Feb. or 24 Feb. Dr Lorne Campbell, Campbell genealogist, says Campbell died on 24 February, 1803, but he may have been using WDC's notes.
[65] PRO IR/26/73. There has been some doubt as to Duncan Campbell's last resting place. No records are available indicating any bodies were buried at St Johns, a church built in 1792. Campbell may then not have had requited one of his last wishes - to be buried beside Rebecca his wife from Saltspring on Jamaica.
[66] Charles Rathbone Low, History of the Royal India Navy, 1613-1863. 1877. Reprinted by Royal Navy Museum, Portsmouth, in conjunction with London Stamp Exchange, nd. 1990? Vol. 2, p. 46. As was reported in The Bombay Times in December 1843. "Little Duncan", the last child of the overseer's first wife, Rebecca, married Harriett Mylne, daughter of architect Robert Mylne, FRS, who had helped the overseer on the first works the hulks convicts performed from 1776. This Harriett Mylne was mother of Capt. Charles Dugald Campbell (born 1814) who married his cousin, Bower Caroline Mylne. They were the parents of "WDC", William Dugald Campbell, (1848-1938), who inherited his overseer ancestor's Letterbooks and brought them to Australia. WDC was once a special commissioner to the Burragong goldfields, about 20 May, 1862. Frank Crowley, Colonial Australia, 1841-1874: A Documentary History of Australia. West Melbourne, Nelson, 1980. Vol. 2, pp. 436-437.
[67] I am indebted to Mollie Gillen for having provided me with a copy of Campbell's will and the obituary notice, along with much else of Duncan Campbell's life and other matters over many years of friendly correspondence.
[68] [Died] 5 March, 1803, at Bedford, of a quinsy, George Mackenzie Macaulay Esq. alderman of Coleman-street ward, to which he was elected in 1786, and in 1790 served the office of sheriff. He was an active and intelligent magistrate, and possessed very strong natural abilities, highly improved by a cultivated education. He had been twice married; and has left a very numerous family by each of his wives. To his widow, the Corporation of London have, in a very handsome manner, unanimously voted an annuity of 100 l. The Gentleman's Magazine, March, 1803.
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